Monday, April 26, 2010

Open Debate, Then Amend to Battle Big Banks

See, I'm worried that the financial reform bill will resemble all the negative aspects of the health care reform bill, which did little more than line the pockets of the healthcare industry while insuring 25 million people who aren't insured.

Everything I read about Dodd's bill says it's weak, it gives the banks MORE power, and doesn't directly address the conditions which led to the financial collapse in the first place, details of which that will flesh out as the SEC investigation of Goldman Sachs continues and/or a trial is held.

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Bank Reform
by JOHN NICHOLS on 04/23/2010 @ 12:06pm

"In the midst of a Wall Street fight, when fear supersedes reason, it is difficult for those who are in it, but not directing it, to determine how much is real, how much is sham."

So declared Wisconsin Senator Robert M. La Follette during the great battle of a century ago over regulating the banks that had very nearly crashed the U.S. economy with the panic of 1907.

Little has changed.

As the U.S. Senate again approaches the question of regulating toxic-asset banks and a financial services industry that is defined by speculation and profiteering rather than service to the real economy of the United States, there are plenty of shams.

So let's sort things out.

The first step on the way to real reform is to open the debate. Senate Majority Leader Harry Reid, D-Nevada will try to do that Monday, with a cloture vote that most Republicans have said they will oppose.

The Republicans are suggesting that this process is moving too quickly. But that's a comic calculus, as Senator Sherrod Brown, D-Ohio, explained Sunday.

"(Some) Wall Street people have said the longer they can delay this, the more chance they can kill it. We've been... working on this for a long time. (On Monday) night when we have a vote -- all we're asking tomorrow night is 60 votes. We need a Republican or two or three to simply say, let's move forward and debate, and then (Tennessee Republican) Bob Corker and I and others can offer any kinds of amendments we want," Brown explained on ABC News' "This Week" program Sunday.

Brown believes that one amendent is essential: an amendment to break up the big banks.

President Obama and Senate Banking Committee chairman Chris Dodd, D-Connecticut, claim that the reform legislation they are promoting will address the worst excesses of bad bankers and brokers. But the legislation as constructed by Dodd and backed by Obama is so weak that it does not break up "too-big-to-fail-banks," let alone end the boom-and-bust patterns of false growth and real pain that have so undermined the financial stability of working families.

Even worse are Republican critics of reform, led by Senate Minority Leader Mitch McConnell, the Kentucky Republican who was one of the chief backers of the massive Wall Street bailout of 2008. With talking points assembled in closed-door meetings with Wall Street insiders, he has emerged as the loudest defender of a status quo that rewards speculators while denying credit to small businesses and foreclosing on family homes and farms.

The Senate could use a La Follette.

And it may just have one in Brown, a populist Democrat who has frequently broken with his own party's leadership on international trade and domestic economic issues, is proposing an essential amendment to the Dodd bill.

Brown and his allies -- including Oregon Democrat Jeff Merkley and Delaware Democrat Ted Kaufman -- want to force the biggest banks and bank holding companies to downsize so that they no longer will be able to control so much of the nation's wealth and financial activity that they are "too big to fail."

Big banks would not disappear under Brown's plan. But they could not control more than ten percent of all total deposits, as three now do, and accumulate liabilities so substantial that -- in the event of a bust -- they could threaten the entire U.S. economy. It is just such a threat that led to the 2008 bailouts and the continued coddling of bad banks by federal regulators.

"The major issue is to keep the banks from getting too large to begin with," explains Brown. "Too big to fail is too big. That's where we need to be much more aggressive."

Without Brown's amendment, Dodd's bill amounts to little more than tinkering around the edges of the real problem. In other words, it is the sort of sham that La Follette bemoaned a century ago, when he warned that -- despite talk of trust busting and reform by the likes of Teddy Roosevelt and Woodrow Wilson -- "the greatest banks of the financial center (Wall Street) have become primarily agencies of promotion and speculation."

Real reform requires real controls on the biggest banks.

"This is about holding Wall Street accountable to ensure that American taxpayers never have to bail out the big banks again," says Sherrod Brown. "While taxpayers helped Wall Street banks get back on their feet, Main Street Americans were not so lucky. Their homes, their jobs, and their retirement accounts were lost or put at risk due to big banks that gambled with their money."

Brown's right.

The Senate should reject sham reform and go for the real thing.

Brown explained why on Sunday.

"Let me give you one statistic," the Ohioan said. "Fifteen years ago, the assets of the six largest banks in this country totaled 17 percent of GDP, 17 percent of GDP. The assets of the six largest banks in the United States today total 63 percent of GDP, and that's too (big) -- we've got to deal with risk to be sure, but we've got to deal with the size of these banks, because if one of these banks is in serious trouble, it will have such a ripple effect on the whole economy. So we simply can't let them get this big and have this kind of economic power over Main Street, over a small business in Canton, Ohio, or a worker -- a manufacturing plant in Dayton. I mean, we just can't let this happen."

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