• They’re nice enough to wait a whole year to implement the cuts; they wouldn’t start until FY 2012 – in other words, the next budget.There’s a lot more in there, but those are the highlights. It’s a very aggressive plan.
• Their goal is to put revenue and spending at 21-22% of GDP. Their plan would reduce the deficit below the recommended 3% of GDP by 2015, down to about 2.2%.
• They put in spending caps, maybe the worst idea known to man, the kind of program that has turned Colorado so sharply negative that the business community begged the state to lift them. These caps, which are unenforceable, as a current Congress cannot be bound by a previous Congress, would bush spending 18% below the baseline by 2020, a drastic bit of austerity.
• 75% of the solutions in the co-chair mark are spending reductions, 25% are tax increases.
• They want to add co-pays to the Veterans’ Administration and TRICARE, as well as pushing individuals covered by TRICARE into an employer policy. They also want to freeze noncombat military pay for three years. And, they want to end schools for families on military bases, instead reintegrating soldier’s kids into the public school system (because that’s so easy for a military family that moves every other year).
• They would cut the federal workforce by 10%, freeze all salary increases and bonuses for three years, and reduce Congressional and White House budgets by 15%. Surely this is the way to a better and more efficient federal workforce.
• They would eliminate all funding for commercial space flight, as well as the Corporation for Public Broadcasting, and increase fees at national parks and the Smithsonian museums.
• Increase co-pays in Medicaid and cost sharing in Medicare. In addition, the plan would cap Medicaid/Medicare growth, so that the government would have to either increase premiums and co-pays or raise the Medicare eligibility age if the cost grows above the baseline.
• Massively overhaul the tax code. They have a couple different options on this. In the first, there would only be three brackets: at 8%, 14% and 23% for the top bracket. All tax expenditures – $1.1 trillion, including the Earned Income Tax Credit and the child tax credit, would be eliminated. The corporate tax rate would go down from 35% to 26% as well. Option 2 borrows from the Wyden-Gregg tax reform, establishing rates at 15%, 25% and 35%, increasing the standard deduction, capping the mortgage interest deduction (and eliminating it for second homes), limiting the charitable deduction, eliminating other tax expenditures, and capping the employer deduction for health care. Corporate rates would also go down, with loopholes removed.
• They would increase the gas tax by 15 cents a gallon beginning in 2013, to pay for transportation projects.
• They would pay for the “doctor’s fix” by cutting other reimbursements to hospitals and drug companies, as well as through tort reform (yeah, that’ll do it). They would also speed up a lot of the cost controls in the health care law. They also ask, if health care costs are still rising after the implementation of the exchanges, for Congress to consider a variety of options, including this:
Add a robust public option and/or all-payer system in the exchange• Reduce farm subsidies by $3 billion per year.
• On Social Security, gradually increase the retirement age to 69 by 2075. They would also institute progressive price indexing to cut scheduled benefits for middle and high-income earners. They would index cost of living increases to inflation and not wages. They would also increase the payroll tax to capture 90% of wages, rather than the current 86%. Social Security savings would stay inside the program to keep it solvent, not be used for deficit reduction.
My mother was an LPN in a nursing home. The last few years that she worked, her back and legs ached so much that she literally had to crawl up the stairs to her bedroom at night. If someone told her that she would have to work three more years before retirement because hedge fund managers don't want to pay the same percentage of their income towards Social Security as she did, she would tell you what to do.A slew of organizations is organizing a Call-In Day to Congress November 30. That's the day before President Obama's deficit commission is set to release its recommendations for raising the retirement age. They're saying "Owe No You Don't"-the goal is to create a groundswell of outrage that will make the recommendations dead on arrival.
Maria Armoudian: Let’s start with the numbers. You note in Winner Take All Politics that the numbers have been historically hard to get but that now they have been tracked by some economists. What do the numbers tell us?
Jacob Hacker: You’re absolutely right. It’s difficult to look at what’s happening at the very top of the income pyramid because most of the evidence we have had was based on surveys, and because there is not a huge number of rich people in the United States who respond to phone interviews. In the last ten years or so, people have started to really home in on a unique source of evidence, namely income tax statistics, which give us a clearer picture about the rewards of economic growth. What we find is that the wealth is going not just to the top 10 percent of Americans, but really to the tiny slice at the very top, the top one tenth of one percent, even the top one hundredth of one percent. The Congressional Budget Office, using these income tax statistics, calculated that in 2005, the top 100th of one percent, the richest 11,000 households -- had an after-tax income that averaged $24 million a year. That was up from a $4 million average for this group back in 1979. That’s a remarkable change. In contrast, the middle fifth, the middle 20 percent of Americans, saw their incomes over this 1979-2005 period go from $41,000 a year to $50,000 a year. The concentration of income at the top is remarkable and sustained, and over the last 30 or 40 years, it has resulted in relatively little trickle-down to those lower on the economic ladder.
Paul Pierson: People have talked about inequality for a long time, but the fact that the winner’s circle is so small really raises troubling questions about how the American economy is working and how American democracy is working or isn’t working.
MA: Did you look also look at changes in real income?
PP: No but we looked in quite a bit of detail at all the different kinds of income, both what people earn and what they get from government programs, private health insurance and so on. All of that is calculated into these distributions. Some conservatives argue about benefits like healthcare balance out the inequality, even when you take all those things into account, you still see the same results.
JH: We looked at whether or not the middle-class has gotten ahead on other indicators but it’s still clear that most of the economic gains have gone to the richest of the rich. For the first time we have definitive evidence on this point. For example, we looked at social mobility, the degree to which people move up the income ladder, health insurance, pension coverage, debt, foreclosures, bankruptcies and the hours that people are working. Running down the list on all those indicators, the picture looks even worse than merely looking at income. I think this is really why it’s so puzzling. We asked two questions in this book: Why did this occur? And how did this occur? We argue that policy and what government did and didn’t do played an important role. In a democracy, we would expect the middle-class to have tremendous political sway, is where these trends have taken place over a 30 or 40 year period.
MA: You also compared the US to Europe to see if the same phenomenon was happening. What did you find?
PP: Although the United States isn’t the only country that has experienced rising globalization and increasing reliance on technology, it’s one of the few nations that has experienced a big increase in winner-take-all inequality in which the gains are going to the very top. Of the countries that have experienced similar trends, the US is most pronounced. That raises serious questions about the view that this is somehow linked to changes in our economy or society, because many of those [related] changes have occurred in other nations that haven’t experienced these kinds of runaway gains at the top. It also allows us to see that other economic models produced different outcomes. Europe We looked to see if Europe had experienced American levels of economic growth, to determine if there is a kind of silver lining to the cloud of American inequality. We did not find evidence of that. It’s surprising how close American economic expansion and European economic expansion are over the same 30 or 40 year period. Yet Europe has experienced much less of a rise in inequality than the United States.
MA: You also reject the argument that the changes are due to educational and skill differences among people.
JH: Yes, you don’t have to look across the nations to really see that it can’t be education and skills. The most common story is that this [growing inequality] is related to the college-educated pulling away from those who haven’t gone to college. But really what has happened is that the very richest of the rich pulled away from the rest of Americans. Thirty percent of Americans have college degrees and about 10 percent have advanced degrees. Many of those who are outside the winners’ circle are highly-educated. So to use the analogy from Charlie and The Chocolate Factory, this is really a story about how a very small slice of people have received the golden ticket in their chocolate bars, which has catapulted them into a world of great riches. While this is taking place and it is quite distinctively American, we argue that it is closely linked to policy and politics that have very negative consequences for the broad middle class.
MA: You point out aptly in the book that the tension really arises between democracy, which is supposed to be equality for all, and capitalism which is property and ownership-based benefits, which tend to be unequal. How does this tension fit into your argument?
PP: Ever since democracy started, there has been a long-standing interest about its relationship to an economy that often had very high levels of inequality. Some people worried that voters would essentially confiscate the wealth from those who had property while others worried about the opposite, that democracy will be smothered by the wealthy because they’ll be able to translate their disproportionate economic resources into disproportionate political power. It’s a longstanding, real debate that the nation’s founders discussed at length. In the United States, these same issues showed up again and again: They show up during the Progressive Era and during the New Deal. We’re seeing them again today. In the current era, there’s a bigger risk of the second kind of problem -- economic power and growing inequality are translating into political inequality. This was not just a benign economic process. Government played a really important role in shifting power away from unions and towards business. Over the last 30 or 40 years, control of government has been central in reshaping the economy. Many economists don’t see the role that the government plays. That narrow view misses how government influences the economy and the distribution of income and rewards. Obviously, financial regulation is a very prominent example, but much of what we’ve experienced, especially in the last decade, is connected to the political process that fueled financial deregulation. Similarly, the decline of unions has impacted the distribution of both economic rewards and political power.
MA: While the changes go back to WWII, it seems the real shift arrived in the 1970s with the CEOs of large corporations organizing for political and policy changes within the Chamber of Commerce, the Economic Roundtable, The Manufacturer’s Association and these groups. What have you found?
JH: The 1970s are the forgotten decade of American politics. We tend to locate the roots of our current politics and the ideological clashes particularly around cultural issues in the 1960s, but it’s really the 1970s when big shift lead to our present economically and politically polarized era. The turning point is 1978, which no one mentions. That was that year that business mobilized and started to flex their new organizational muscle around issues such as labor law reform, a proposed Consumer Protection Agency, environmental regulation, energy, and a whole host of other issues. On all these issues, the business position and the conservative position won. There was a dramatic showdown in 1978 over labor law reform that involved one of the first sustained filibusters outside the civil rights era, waged by Orrin Hatch. There was just a remarkable shift in the political climate that can’t be attributed to elections or to the balance of power in Congress and the White House – the Democrats had Congress and the White House. It was really linked to the changes in the organization of [big] business. Back in the 1960s and early 1970s, business was really quite [politically] disorganized. They were not active on most issues, and they didn’t have a very extensive lobbying presence. Now that [they] have 30 lobbyists per member of Congress, it’s easy to forget that the 1960s and early 1970s were not dominated by the powerful economic interest groups that are [currently] the major feature of our political climate. The1970s was the turning point that brings to power a new, much more muscular organized business community along with the very up-and-coming conservative movement that hitched its wagon to these new organizational realities.
MA: As I understand, this big business collaborative was really a counter movement to Ralph Nader, the environmental groups and the labor unions – groups that the CEOs believed were hurting their profits. That was articulated in the so-called Lewis Powell memo. Tell us about this.
PP: Before Lewis Powell was appointed to the Supreme Court by President Nixon, he was in a high level position for the Chamber of Commerce where he penned a famous memo, which is symptomatic of a broader shift that was taking place. It articulates the change in attitudes and behavior within the business community exceptionally well, although it was not the original source of this movement. Powell basically said we – the business community -- have got to become more politically organized; we are suffering major defeats in Washington. At this time, towards the later part of a period, Nader and other [related] groups were winning big victories in Washington, such as expansions of environmental regulation, occupational safety legislation and Social Security. Now, a lot of these things occurred with a Republican, Richard Nixon, in the White House, which shows that while partisanship matters, the organizational playing field and the balance of organizational power also matters. So Powell wrote that they [big business] were being badly outflanked by opponents and therefore need to organize, be more aggressive, get businesses to pool resources, develop a long-term strategic plan and the capacity to execute that plan in politics. After that, we saw a whole series of developments: A huge expansion of lobbying groups; the Chamber of Commerce expanded their organizational capacity; the Business Roundtable formed, representing CEOs of the very biggest American companies and activated their political participation. The Roundtable quickly became quite influential in Washington. The NAM, the National Association of Manufacturers, moved their office from New York, where they had been headquartered for a century or more, to Washington, because the director saw Washington as the place of action. Across the board, there was a huge increase in the political role of business, and it has just accelerated since then.
MA: Since that time, new groups have also emerged, such as the Club for Growth, and the business groups also connected to the right-wing Christian organizations. Describe these relationships.
JH: One of the things to understand is that this shift in businesses organization and power was not occurring in a vacuum. Simultaneously, there was a big decline in middle-class organization. Labor unions were obviously the biggest player there, but they weren’t the only middle-class organizations to lose ground. Voluntary federations and fraternal organizations were also losing out to more professional, Washington-oriented and lobbyist-centered organizations. In terms of the Democratic Party’s coalition, they were losing out to groups organized around issues that resonated with professional and more affluent members of the democratic coalition, notably feminism, environmentalism. On the Republican side, the big shift was bringing evangelical Christian conservatives into the fold. This was brokered at the elite level by activists in the Christian conservative movement who were angry, not about Roe v. Wade, but about threats to Christian schools in the early 1980s and their tax-free status. These activists felt very strongly that Christian conservative voters should align with the Republican Party and they very skillfully brought that alliance into being. This was a really important way in which the business community and more affluent members of the Republican coalition were able to enlarge the coalition behind their positions. And this would only have had that kind of effect were it not for the fact that there were changes that were taking place on the other side with the decline of unions and other voluntary organizations. The result is that the organizational landscape transforms over this period, and policy and politics shift in response. It is like a change in the ecosystem of Washington, with a new set of organizational realities, and that changes the kind of species that can find a niche in the Washington policy and political jungle. Both parties were dramatically transformed over the next 30 years in ways that reinforced both policy and politics that are conducive to these very concentrated rewards at the top of the economic ladder, the winner-take-all economy.
MA: In the book’s section titled “Making America Safe for CEOs,” you describe the policies and limitations that really enhanced this system – of course, limits on labor unions but also limits on a person’s ability to file lawsuits against corporate CEOs and corporations and other policies. What are these laws and policies that safeguard CEOs and the super-rich?
PP: The list is long, but I think the core point is first, that this is just one piece of the connection between Washington and the winner-take-all economy. There are changes in financial industries, in tax policies that favor the wealthy, in the way in which corporate governance has evolved to favor the capacity of CEOs to come pretty close to writing their own paychecks. They have docile boards of directors that get a lot of perks from being on boards and are often appointed, one step removed from the CEOs, for whom they set salaries. As everyone knows, the CEO salaries have skyrocketed in ways that don’t bear much connection to the actual performance of the companies. Obviously they do well when the companies prosper, but they often do spectacularly well even when they run the companies into the ground. Washington has played a role in that, mostly just by blocking any attempt to exercise oversight. Any effort toward encouraging the capacity of shareholders or other groups to exercise a role in corporate governance has been blocked. The SEC under Clinton was considering some fairly modest regulations that would have given shareholders a little more leverage. The head of the SEC got called in by Phil Graham who was the head of the Senate Banking Committee and had a lot of control over the SEC’s budget. Graham said, “Unless the water is crimson with the blood of investors, we don’t want you engaging in any regulatory flights of fancy.” And of course, it wasn’t long after this that the water WAS crimson with the blood of investors. Graham was the prototypical figure in developing this very tight connection between winner-take-all politics and economics.
MA: Can you fast forward to today and connect the Tea Party Patriots and the recent election?
PP: The Tea Party is a really interesting development because it represents a very angry conservative movement mobilized in response to Obama’s administration, but in many ways there are some common elements with what many Americans are feeling right now. There is a sense that democracy isn’t working well, that the middle class is not being well-represented. That is indeed reality – middle-class Americans are losing out to a set of concentrated economic interests that have a great deal of sway in Washington. What the Tea Party is doing essentially is using this organization as mobilization to press for a very conservative economic agenda. The electorate as a wholeis much less mobilized. In fact, over the last 30 years, it has been the demobilization of the great broad majority of Americans that has really helped perpetuate this winner-take-all politics. Most Americans are cynical about Washington and distrustful because they think that Washington has worked really well for those at the top but not really well for the rest of Americans. One poll by the Pew Research Center this year found that when Americans are asked who the government helps a great deal, 53 percent thought that Wall Street had been helped a great deal, but only two percent thought that the middle-class had been helped a great deal. There is a really deep sense of grievance about how poorly American democracy seems to be working to represent the middle-class. But now, with the election, we will face gridlock that will make it even harder for us to address the problems.
MA: So in essence what you’re saying is that the voters are exacerbating the problem.
JH: Yes, that is our position. If you believe the evidence, it would be hard to read our book and come away from it thinking that electing a big new group of conservative Republicans is going to make Washington introduce policies more favorable to the middle-class.
MA: So where do we go from here? What are the big fixes that might correct the problems that we’re facing?
PP: The central message of our book is that politics are at the heart of the problem, and therefore politics must be at the heart of the solution. There are people who think our book is bracing because the problems our country faces seem deeply intractable. But these problems are not inexorable or beyond our control. Globalization or technological change does not make it inevitable that the middle or the lower rungs of the economic rungs of the ladder will fall further and further behind a smaller and smaller set of winners at the very top. It is the policies related to taxes, unions, corporate governance, financial deregulation and other such policies that exacerbated the winner-take-all economy. So changes in public policy and government need to be at the heart of the solution. The first order challenge is making new policies, not a new economy. And the number one target for the short-term should address the political system, making it more responsive to the middle. That means making it so that we can actually pass things that matter to Americans. Right now we have a filibuster that requires 60 votes in the Senate on every major issue. It is a huge roadblock to addressing middle-class concerns. It also means, in the longer-term, that we need to figure out ways to bring Americans more broadly into the political process on the same or relatively similar footing to those who are highly organized right now -- the affluent and the ultra-conservative. We need to create middle class organizations. Obviously, rebuilding labor movements is part of that. In the short term, we have to figure out how to make politicians more accountable to middle class voters by increasing people’s access to information and their political leverage.
1. “End Times” Fantasies
The evangelical/fundamentalists/Republican far right is in the grip of an apocalyptic “Rapture” cult centered on revenge and vindication. This “End Times” death wish is built on a literalist interpretation of the Book of Revelation. This fantasy has many followers. For instance to take one of many examples, Jerry Jenkins and Tim LaHaye’s “Left Behind” series of sixteen novels represents both a “reason” and a symptom of the hysteria that grips so many voters.
The “Left Behind” novels have sold tens of millions of copies while spawning an “End Times” cult, or rather egging it on. Such products as Left Behind video games have become part of the ubiquitous American background noise. Less innocuous symptoms of End Times paranoia include people stocking up on assault rifles and ammunition, freeze dried food (pitched to them, by the way, by Billionaire Lynch Mob-handmaid Glenn Beck), gold (also sold to them by Glenn Beck), adopting "Christ-centered" home school curricula, fear of higher education (“we’ll lose our children to secularism”), embracing rumor as fact (“Obama isn’t an American”) and fighting against Middle East peace iniatives, lest they delay the “return of Jesus,” for instance through Houston mega church pastor John Hagee’s Christian Zionist-centered “ministry.”
A disclosure: My late father, Francis Schaeffer, was a key founder and leader of the American Religious Right. For a time in the 1970s and early 80s I joined him in pioneering the Evangelical anti-abortion Religious Right movement. I changed my mind. I explain why I quit the movement in my book CRAZY FOR GOD -- How I Grew Up As One Of The Elect, Helped Found The Religious Right, And Lived To Take All - Or Almost All - Of It Back.
John Hagee, mega church pastor and founder of Christians United for Israel said: “For 25 almost 26 years now, I have been pounding the Evangelical community over television. The Bible is a very pro-Israel book. If a Christian admits ‘I believe the Bible,’ I can make him a pro-Israel supporter or they will have to denounce their faith. So I have Christians over a barrel you might say.” The assumption Hagee makes -- that “Bible-believing Christians” will be pro-Israel -- is the dominant view among American Evangelical Christians. These are the people who goad us to make perpetual war worldwide. And these are the people who supposedly follow a teacher who said, “Blessed are the peacemakers.”
Few within the Evangelical community have dared to publically question such Haggee’s approach. The Christian Zionists led by Hagee et al even went after their very own George W Bush for backing peace talks between Palestinians and the Israeli government. So can you imagine the hatred the Christian Zionists have for President Obama, who also wants peace in the Middle East?
The momentum for building a subculture that’s seceding from mainstream society (in order to await "The End Times" has irrevocably pried loose a chunk of the American population from both sanity and from their fellow citizens. The Christian Zionist franchise holds out hope for the self-disenfranchised that -- at last -- everyone will know "We born-again Christians" were right and "They" were wrong. But here’s the political significance of the Christian Zionist dominance: the evangelical/fundamentalists’ imagined victimhood.
I say imagined victimhood, because the born-agains are hardly outsiders let alone victims. They’re very own George W Bush was in the White House for eight long, ruinous years and Evangelicals also dominated American politics for the better part of thirty years before that by enforcing a series of “moral” litmus tests that transformed the Republican Party into their very own culture wars lickspittle.
Nevertheless, the white evangelical/conservative Roman Catholic sense of being a victimized minority only grew with their successes. “You are not alone!” said Glenn Beck, playing to these “disenfranchised” “victims,” who – as the midterm results once again proved -- turn out to look more like a majority of white voters who had the power to turn Sarah Palin into a multimillionaire overnight and send the likes of Rand Paul to the Senate.
2. The Rise of Reconstructionist Theology
Where did the “victims” on the Far Right get their “theology” of perpetual damn-the-facts victimhood from? The history of theology (Christian or otherwise) is the history of people desperately trying to fit the way things actually are into the way their “holy” books say they should be. And since the facts don’t fit and never will, religious believers can either change their minds, embrace paradox, or find someone else to blame for their never-ending loss of face and self-esteem.
Most Americans have never heard of the Reconstructionists. But they have felt their impact through the Reconstructionists’ (often indirect) influence over the wider Evangelical community. In turn, the Evangelicals shaped the politics of a secular culture that barely understood the Religious Right let alone the forces within that movement that gave it its rage.
If you feel victimized by modernity (let alone humiliated by reality) then the Reconstructionists have The Answer to your angst: apply the full scope of the Biblical Law to modern America and to the larger world! Coerce “non-believers” to live in your imaginary universe! In other words Reconstructionists wanted to replace the U.S. Constitution and Bill of Rights with their interpretation of the Bible.
Most Evangelicals are positively moderate by comparison to the Reconstructionist “thinkers.” Most libertarians, who formed the backbone of the Tea Party (at least until the Far Right Evangelicals began to take the Tea Party over) would hate them. But the Reconstructionist movement is a distilled version of the more mainstream evangelical version of exclusionary theology that nonetheless divides America into the “Real America” (as the Far Right claim only they are) and the rest of us “sinners.”
The Reconstructionist worldview is ultra Calvinist, but like all Calvinism has its origins in ancient Israel/Palestine, when vengeful and ignorant tribal lore was written down by frightened men (the nastier authors of the Bible) trying to defend their prerogatives to bully women, murder rival tribes and steal land. These justifications probably reflect later thinking: origin myths used as propaganda to justify political and military actions after the fact—i.e., to justify their brutality the Hebrews said that God made them inflict on others and/or that they were “chosen.”
In its modern American incarnation, which hardened into a twentieth century movement in the 1960s and became widespread in the 1970s, Reconstructionism was propagated by people I knew personally and worked with closely when I too was a Religious Right activist claiming God’s special favor. The leaders of the Reconstructionist movement included the late Rousas Rushdoony (Calvinist theologian, father of modern-era Christian Reconstructionism, patron saint to gold-hoarding Federal Reserve-haters, and creator of the modern Evangelical home-school movement), his son-in-law Gary North (an economist, gold-buff, publisher and leading conspiracy theorist), and David Chilton (ultra-Calvinist pastor and author.)
Reconstructionism, also called Theonomism, seeks to reconstruct “our fallen society.” Its worldview is best represented by the publications of the Chalcedon Foundation, which has been classified as an anti-gay hate group by the Southern Poverty Law Center. According to the Chalcedon Foundation website, the mission of the movement is to apply “the whole Word of God” to all aspects of human life: “It is not only our duty as individuals, families and churches to be Christian, but it is also the duty of the state, the school, the arts and sciences, law, economics, and every other sphere to be under Christ the King. Nothing is exempt from His dominion. We must live by His Word, not our own.
It’s no coincidence that the rise of the Islamic Brotherhoods in Egypt and Syria and the rise of Reconstructionism took place in more or less the same twentieth-century time frame—as modernism, science and “permissiveness” collided with a frightened conservatism rooted in religion. The writings of people such as Muslim Brotherhood founder Hassan al-Banna and those of Rushdoony are virtually interchangeable when it comes to their goals of “restoring God” to his “rightful place” as he presides over law and morals. Or as the late Reconstructionist/Calvinist theologian David Chilton, writing in PARADISE RESTORED--A Biblical Theology of Dominion (and sounding startlingly al-Banna-like) explained:
Our goal is a Christian world, made up of explicitly Christian nations. How could a Christian desire anything else? Our Lord Himself taught us to pray: “Thy Kingdom come; Thy will be done on earth, as it is in heaven” (Matt. 6: 10)… The Lord’s Prayer is a prayer for the worldwide dominion of God’s Kingdom… a world of decentralized theocratic republics.... That is the only choice: pagan law or Christian law. God specifically forbids “pluralism.” God is not the least bit interested in sharing world dominion with Satan.
The message of Rushdoony’s work is best summed up in one of his innumerable Chalcedon Foundation position papers, “The Increase of His Government and Peace.” He writes: “[T]he ultimate and absolute government of all things shall belong to Christ.” In his book Thy Kingdom Come -- using words that are similar to those the leaders of al Qaida would use decades later in reference to “true Islam” -- Rushdoony argues that democracy and Christianity are incompatible: “Democracy is the great love of the failures and cowards of life,” he writes. “One [biblical] faith, one law and one standard of justice did not mean democracy. The heresy of democracy has since then worked havoc in church and state… Christianity and democracy are inevitably enemies.”
3. The Culture Wars Launched over the Abortion Debate
The significance and rise of the Reconstructionists and their (often indirect) impact on the wider evangelical subculture can only be understood in the context of the January 22, 1973 Supreme Court ruling on Roe v. Wade.
Roe energized the culture war like nothing else before or since. This war has even fed the passion that burned within the so-called Tea Party movement’s reaction to Obama’s moderate legislative health care reform predicting “Death Panels.” Roe also indirectly energized even those members of the Far Right – for instance the Tea Party’s pro-choice libertarians -- who didn’t care about abortion per se. Roe had such far-reaching effects because reactions to Roe defined the scorched-earth, winner-take-all and rabidly anti-government tone of the culture war fights since 1973.
Fast forward thirty years to the first decade of the twenty-first century: The messengers and day-to-day “issues” changed but the volume of the anti-government “debate” and anger originated with the anti-abortion movement. “Death Panels!”, “Government Takeover!”, “Obama is Hitler!” and all such “comments” were simply updated versions of “pro-life” rhetoric. And ironically, at the very same time as the Evangelicals who began the anti-abortion crusade (along with conservative Roman Catholics) had thrust themselves into bare knuckle politics over Roe, they also (I should say we also) retreated to what amounted to virtual walled compounds.
Evangelicals created a parallel “Christian America,” our very own private world, as it were, posted with “No Trespassing” signs. Our new “world” was about creating a Puritan/Reconstructionist-style holy-nation-within-our-fallen-nation.
This went far beyond mere alternative schools and home schools. Thousands of new Christian bookstores opened, countless Evangelical radio programs flourished in the 1970s and 80s, and new TV stations went on the air. Even a “Christian Yellow Pages” (a guide to Evangelical tradesmen) was published advertising “Christ-centered plumbers,” accountants and the like who “honor Jesus.” New Evangelical universities and even new law schools appeared, seemingly overnight with a clearly defined mission to “take back” each and every profession – including law and politics – “for Christ.” For instance, Liberty University’s Law School was the creation of the late Jerry Falwell, who told me in 1983 of his vision for Liberty’s programs: “Frank, we’re going train a new generation of judges and world leaders in the law from a Christian worldview to change America.” This was the same Jerry Falwell who wrote in America Can Be Saved: “I hope I live to see the day when, as in the early days of our country, we won’t have any public schools.”
To the old-fashioned Goldwater-type conservative mantra of “big government doesn’t work,” in the 1970s the newly-radicalized Evangelicals added “the US Government is Evil!” Our swap of spiritual faith for the illusion of political power – I say “illusion” since even in the 70s and 80s the real power was in the hands of the Billionaire Lynch Mob -- meant that we would tell people how to vote, but that we didn’t want our kids going to school with theirs. We’d wind up defending not just private schools and home schooling to “protect” our children from the world, but also private oil companies and private gas-guzzling polluting cars, private insurance conglomerates and so forth.
The price for the Religious Right’s wholesale idolatry of private everything was that Christ’s reputation was tied to a cynical political party owned by billionaires from the fast-food industry, raping the earth (not to mention our health), to the oil companies destroying our climate. It only remained for a Far Right Republican-appointed majority on the Supreme Court to rule in 2010 (Citizens United V. The Federal Election Commission), that unlimited corporate money could pour into political campaigns – anonymously -- in a way that clearly favored corporate America and the super wealthy who long since were the only entities served by the Republican Party’s defense of the individual against the government. The “individuals” turned out to be Exxon, the Koch brothers, Rupert Murdoch, McDonald’s and Goldman Sachs et al.